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Research objectives and methodology
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Research objectives and methodology

Research objectives
The objectives of this research project were:

  • To pilot, evaluate and develop an ‘ethnographies of place’ methodology (formulated by historians and historical archaeologists working on poor nineteenth-century urban locations in Australia) in order to study the material history of Victorian London.
  • Combining archaeological and documentary evidence, to investigate the variation in the material culture of everyday domestic life across 3 socially and geographically contrasting localities in the nineteenth-century metropolis.
  • Through the study of this material culture, to consider the organisation and use of domestic space and the relationship between the home, economic activity and the wider urban world.
  • To consider the relationships between popular representations of domestic London life and material histories of everyday experience revealed by the study of archaeological artefacts.

Ethnographies of place
Ponsonby (2003) argues that the material history of domestic life in nineteenth-century cities has not been widely studied because ‘the period is too distant to utilize oral history or ethnographic studies’ – the central research techniques of material culture studies. Historical ethnography would, by definition, seem an impossibility. However, historians and historical archaeologists working on poor urban neighbourhoods in nineteenth-century Australia have proposed new ‘ethnographies of place’ methodologies to study the everyday material history of cities (Mayne and Lawrence, 1999; Mayne and Murray 2001). Such an approach is considered ‘ethnographic’ because of the way that it involves weaving the study of archaeological artefacts with detailed investigations of documentary records which cast light on the individuals, households, and urban neighbourhoods within which the objects were located. Integrating these different kinds of evidence promises more ‘meaningful and fuller understandings of the past’ (Wilkie, 2006). Alongside this commitment to bringing into dialogue different kinds of historical evidence, the ‘ethnographies of place’ approach is also concerned with developing new methods for interpreting such evidence and writing about the urban past. The role of the ‘historical imagination’ and of narrative approaches to making sense of diverse source materials has been a key issue of debate, especially in North American contexts (Praetzellis 1998). These ‘ethnographic’ approaches have been successfully applied to a series of groundbreaking urban excavations on nineteenth-century sites, predominantly in North America (Praetzellis and Praetzellis 2001, Yamin 1998) and Australia (Mayne and Murray 2001, Murray 2003).

The ethnographies of place approach therefore proceeds through careful analysis and interpretation of archaeological evidence alongside focused and detailed investigation of family, household and other documentary sources relating to the particular streets and neighbourhoods of the three sites. Though the documentary research focuses on the dense web of historical records directly associated with specific archaeological assemblages - those that cast light on the individuals, families and households that owned the artefacts - archaeological artefacts are not seen as reflecting broader social realities and historical narratives of the urban past. By avoiding what Johnson (1999) dismisses as the ‘social-history-plus artefacts approach’, the ethnographies of place approach focuses on the ‘stories’ of urban life that emerge from the material culture itself (Hicks, 2005). This avoids ‘privileging present day constructions of historical significance over the local actualities of past lives and places’ (Mayne and Murray 2001). The process of interpretation is thus an iterative one, which involves shuttling between material artefacts and documentary sources to build up an understanding of the experience everyday of urban domestic life from the ‘inside out’. For Mayne and Lawrence (1999), this creative approach of tacking back and forth from one kind of evidence to another allows historians ‘to tease out the dynamic complexities of vanished social worlds’.

Although their potential value has been noted (Hicks and Jeffries 2004), these methodologies have not been utilised by scholars of nineteenth-century urban Britain. This project pioneers an ‘ethnographies of place’ approach to research everyday domestic life in Victorian London. It considers how far the methods and techniques deployed by scholars in Australia and North America can be replicated in a UK context. It also seeks to develop the ‘ethnographies of place’ methodology, which has generally been used to research poor urban neighbourhoods, to study metropolitan people and places from three different localities with very different historical representations and historiographies.

Archaeological research and dealing with ‘orphan sites’
This project did not require a series of fresh excavations to provide the resources to pilot the ethnographies of place approach. Instead we used the archived finds preserved from earlier-excavated sites kept at the London Archaeological Archive and Research Centre (LAARC). These sites were chosen to represent the social and geographical diversity of the city. They comprise a commercial-residential property in New Palace Yard, Westminster (NPY73); a row of cottages in Lower Sydenham (SYB92); and three tenements on Regent Street, Limehouse (LHC93), a poor, dockside neighbourhood in the East End (click here for further details). These were just three of dozens of largely forgotten, undisseminated and un-catalogued sites held at the LAARC for this period, dug by the archaeologists whom (though not always) had long since moved on. The process of ‘excavating’ the LAARC and questioning the limits to its collections demonstrated that despite representing a vulnerable period in British archaeology, the material remains of nineteenth-century London had been more frequently excavated than archaeological memory and folklore have perhaps suggested (Hicks and Jeffries 2004). These neatly termed ‘orphan sites’ (Mary Praetzellis pers.comm, 2008) despite being archived in one place and properly curated, have been subject to very little research.

Before the archival research was conducted, the archaeological artefacts from these three sites were analysed by material culture specialists at the Museum of London Archaeology Service. Reports can be downloaded here.

Archival research
The documentary research was undertaken by the project’s post doctoral research assistant (PDRA) Dr Karen Wehner. It focused mainly on the period when the archaeological assemblages were discarded: 1840s-50s. The aim was to unpick the details of the lives of those individuals who would have used the archaeological material as well as to understand the wider social and cultural meanings of the objects that had been recovered. Information was compiled using a freeform relational database and information management system application called AskSam Version 6.1. In order to remain faithful to the ethnographies of place approach, data collection was closely informed by analysis of the archaeological evidence. Periodic reassessment of both archaeological and documentary sources, enabled us to refocus our lines of enquiry. Data collection focused on four main organising features and scales of enquiry:

1. Family and individual lives
This research focuses on reconstructing the details of the individuals and families who used and threw away the artefactual material. Where possible, families have been traced chronologically backwards and forwards through the records in order to understand their wider circumstances. Most of this information has been derived from genealogical sources including: decennial censuses (1841-1901), civil registration records (1837 onwards), church records (pre 1837), wills/probate documents, electoral rolls, Old Bailey Online records, local newspaper obituary, birth, marriage sections, dissenter records. Where they exist, family collections of personal papers, diaries and other ephemera have been consulted.

2. Trade
The next level of data gathering focused on occupations and economic activities of the household members. Sources included: directories, ledgers, patent records, newspapers (e.g. adverts, notices of bankruptcy etc.); and insurance records (Sun Life, 1817-1834).

3. House and street
Here, details were derived from land and other tax records, rate books, sewer records, title deeds, and lease documents. Neighbours have been identified through the census. Vestry and Metropolitan Board of Works archives provided information on sanitation and rubbish collection, especially as these assemblages were apparently rapidly deposited as part of the backfilling of the backyard sanitary features. Cartographic records have enabled us to detail the development of the street and locality.

4. Object histories
In order to better understand the uses and meanings of objects recovered from the sites, a range of sources have been consulted, including trade catalogues, newspaper reports, legal evidence, literature, visual imagery and curated artefact collections.

 
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by Edward Oliver. © Queen Mary, University of London 2008
Department of Geography, Queen Mary, University of London, Mile End Road, London E1 4NS, Tel: +44 (0)20 7882 8200, Fax: +44 (0)20 8981 6276